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Po esencijalnom dijelu svog ustavnog određenja (Ustav 1974.) Socijalistička Republika Bosna i Hercegovina (BiH) bila je definirana kao tvorevina triju konstitutivnih, suverenih i međusobno jednakopravnih naroda: Hrvata, Srba i Muslimana (Bošnjaka). Političko-pravni model zasnovan na tom određenju svakom je od triju naroda trebao osigurati potpunu zaštitu nacionalnih pozicija. Međutim, Savez komunista BiH do samog kraja svoje vlasti nije na tom određenju kreirao odgovarajuće unutrašnje uređenje BiH. Takvo koji bi u okolnostima raspada Jugoslavije na najbolji način doprinijelo očuvanju bosansko-hercegovačkog multietnicizma i mira u toj republici. Time je, sukladno rezultatima izbora održanih u studenom 1990. problematika strukturiranja nacionalnih statusa i odnosa ''prepuštena'' pobjedničkim strankama: bosansko-hercegovačkoj Hrvatskoj demokratskoj zajednici (HDZ) i Srpskoj demokratskoj stranci (SDS) te muslimanskoj/bošnjačkoj Stranci demokratske akcije (SDA). Te stranke praktički nisu niti pokušale na navedenom određenju iznaći rješenje za nacionalne statuse i odnose. Nasuprot, svojim egoističnim državotvornim ciljevima kao i djelovanjem na njihovom ostvarenju one su, svaka na svoj način, izuzetno poticajno djelovale na produbljivanje konfliktnog ozračja. U konačnici, na otpočinjanje otvorenog ratnog sukoba u BiH koji izbija početkom travnja 1992.
keywords: unutrašnje uređenje Bosne i Hercegovine Hrvati Srbi Muslimani/Bošnjaci vladajuće bosansko-hercegovačke stranke državotvorni ciljevi rat -
The model of enculturation I propose operates with a claim that individuals are intrinsically idiosyncratic. Support for individual idiosyncrasy begins at the level of neurons and goes on to encompass inter-individual phenomena. I draw on cognitive and social theory to support my position. In particular I consider the work of neurologist Gerald Edelman (2004) and his “theory of neuronal group selection” (TNGS) and Sahlins (2000) and his theory of culture. The model of culture presented here is designed to account for the phenomenon of individual idiosyncrasy. For this reason, culture is necessarily presented as a process -- and I am calling the process “enculturation.” The cognitive phenomena that allow language and signs to be shared between people are, within each individual, constantly changing via idiosyncratic neuronal firing patterns and via the incorporation of new experience and altered memory. The concept of memory is discussed in relation the model of enculturation. The durkheimian position, that social scientists should focus on collective representations and avoid making social claims based on the operation of individual minds (Durkheim, 1915:15-16; 1952:213) is given consideration. Cognitive research is introduced to suggest links between experience and memory (such as Edelman’s concept of the “remembered present”) and to establish the function of “the degenerative principle”. The work of Libet (2004) is utilized to suggest that conscious awarenesses are preceded by unconscious processes (i.e., processes outside reflective consciousness), and as such we are forced to conclude that unconscious processes initiate our conscious experiences. This raises questions of agency and free will. It is suggested that the process of cognitive association leads to novelty as a result of the instability of recurrent memory and the intrinsic idiosyncrasy of neurons. Enculturation then, can be seen as the activity of association as augmented by intrinsically idiosyncratic phenomena. Parallels are drawn between Bakhtin’s dialogic principle and the enculturation model. The concluding section suggests avenues for the future.
keywords: enculturation memory process human brain individual -
The Political Dimension of Counterinsurgency Operations: A Comparison of Two Counterinsurgency Operations in Afghanistan :: [>>>]
Mikac, Robert; Buntak, Antonija -
The USSR intervention in Afghanistan from 1979 to 1989 and the current Allied US-led intervention in the same country have many different characteristics but also a lot of common features. The causes and the final goals for setting them in motion differ as much as their initial approaches but with the passage of time they have both grown into counterinsurgency operations. Both of them have gone into their tenth year, although the respective political elites have expected a quick and short intervention. Equally so, although militarily superior, the intervening forces have soon become operationally inferior, so that due to misunderstanding the environment, insufficient coordination and weak interior allies, with inadequate political framework, insufficient engagement of resources and inaccessible ground, all in all, finally limited to maintaining status quo. The political part has failed in the first place. The withdrawal has had devastating consequences for the Soviets. The present American withdrawal is a two-edged sword because the majority of tasks have not been fulfilled and there can be no doubt as to whether the long term deployment is not the right solution. It is important to analyze and compare the two operations in order to be able to detect the successful steps as well as the opportunities missed and draw conclusions on the continuation of the allied operation; for the Allies, as stated correctly by the historian Paul Robinson, have found themselves in a position quite similar to the Soviet case. The purpose of the research is twofold. First, to analyze the essential characteristics of the political dimension of counterinsurgency operation through the activity of the intervening force towards counterinsurgency operation centers of gravity; the second is to offer recommendations for the correct use of the principles of counterinsurgency operation.
keywords: counterinsurgency operation USSR US insurgents local population allies centers of gravity -
Proširenje NATO-a nakon hladnog rata, izvedeno u dva kruga s ukupno deset novih država primljenih u članstvo NATO-a, predstavlja ključan dobitak u izgradnji sigurnosne arhitekture post-hladnoratovske Europe, te je najznačajniji sigurnosni dobitak za Europu nakon raspada Varšavskog ugovora i SSSR-a. Dva kruga proširenja NATO-a bila su vrlo različita po svojem teritorijalnom opsegu, regionalnoj pripadnosti, trenutnim okolnostima unutar NATO-a, te utjecaju na geopolitičke odnose u Europi i geostrateške odnose SAD-a i Rusije. Prethodili su proširenju Europske unije na deset postkomunističkih država Europe. Nakon 11. rujna 2001., uspješna izvedba drugog kruga proširenja NATO-a postala je jedan od strateških ciljeva u borbi protiv terorizma SAD-a i njegovih saveznika. Proširenje je značajno promijenilo odnose u NATO-u i geopolitičku ravnotežu u Europi, šireći zonu sigurnosti i stabilnosti na istok i jugoistok Europe. Utjecaj NATO-a se širi na granične regije Europe, te prelazi i njihove granice. Treći krug proširenja najavljen je na summitu u Bukureštu, tijekom kojeg su Hrvatska i Albanija pozvane da se priključe NATO-u. Treći krug proširenja vjerojatno će uključivati i Makedoniju, ako ta država s Grčkom riješi spor oko imena. Ako bi NATO u članstvo uključio države iz regije Zapadnog Balkana, imao bi još značajniju ulogu u stabilizaciji ovog nestabilnog prostora, posebno u rješavanju problema koji neovisnost Kosova predstavlja za stabilnost regije. Budući strateški izazovi europskoj sigurnosti bit će vezani uz odnose NATO-a i Rusije, posebno uz ambicije NATO-a u istočnoj Europi i u regiji Kavkaza. Ako NATO odluči u članstvo pozvati Gruziju i Ukrajinu, možemo očekivati rusku reakciju, koja bi mogla dovesti do sveprisutne i dugotrajnije nestabilnosti velikog dijela Europe, ali i dijela Euroazije.
keywords: NATO post-hladnoratovsko razdoblje proširenje geopolitički odnosi Europa Rusija zona sigurnosti Hrvatska Zapadni Balkan Kosovo